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.Homeboys, DopeFiends, Legits, and New Jacks.Criminology, 32 (2), 197 219; Herman, Stephanie.2000.AFamily Affair: Heron Dealing in West Harlem.Paper presented at the annual meeting of theAmerican Society of Criminology, San Francisco, November; Herman, Stephanie.N.d.Heroinin the 21st Century.NIDA-funded grant; Huff, Ronald.1998.Comparing the Criminal Be-havior of Youth Gangs and At-Risk Youth.Research in Brief.Washington, DC: U.S.Depart-ment of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, National Institute of Justice; Jankowski, MartinSanchez 1991.Islands in the Street: Gangs and American Urban Society.Berkeley: Universityof California Press; Klein, Malcolm W.1995.The American Street Gang: Its Nature, Preva-lence, and Control.New York: Oxford University Press; Klein, Malcolm W., Maxson, CherylL., and Cunningham, Lea C.1991.Crack, Street Gangs and Violence.Criminology, 29, 623650; Maxson, Cheryl L.1995.Street Gangs and Drug Sales in Two Suburban Cities.Researchin Brief.Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Justice, Offi ce of Justice Programs, NationalInstitute of Justice; Meehan, Patrick J., and O Carroll, Patrick W.1995.Gangs, Drugs, andHomicide in Los Angeles.In M.Klein, C.L.Maxson, and J.Miller (eds.), The Modern GangReader, pp.236 242.Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing; Moore, Joan W.1978.Homeboys:Gangs, Drugs, and Prison in the Barrios of Los Angeles.Philadelphia: Temple UniversityPress; National Youth Gang Center.1999.1996 National Youth Gang Survey.Summary.Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Justice, Offi ce of Justice Programs, Offi ce of JuvenileJustice and Delinquency Prevention; National Youth Gang Center.2000.1997 NationalYouth Gang Survey.Summary.Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Justice, Office of JusticePrograms, Offi ce of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention; Padilla, Felix.1992.TheGang as an American Enterprise.New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press; Skolnick,Jerome H., Correll, Theodore, Navarro, Elizabeth, and Roger Rabb.1990.The Social Struc-ture of Street Dealing.American Journal of Police, 9, 1 41; Taylor, Carl.1990.DangerousSociety.East Lansing: Michigan State University Press.STEPHANIE HERMANGANGS AND POST-INDUSTRIALISM.What we now recognize as gangs emergedin the late 1800s and early 1900s with the birth of the industrial city, in the contextof mass migrations of population to the great cities of Europe and North America.Gangs are the product of populations who are  in between : distant from thesocial world of their parents, while at the same time their integration into their ad-opted country is blocked by racism, unemployment, or even the spatial structures ofthe city itself.Gangs are best understood as a spatial response to social exclusion.84 GANGS AND POST-INDUSTRIALISMThe industrial societies that developed over the twentieth century were shaped byhigh employment levels, mass consumption, increasingly standardized lifestyles, andmass-based organizations such as trade unions and political parties.They also saw thedevelopment of mass-based systems of social security reflecting  nation-building strat-egies and class compromises.From this perspective, the rise of full employment andmass-based trade unions suggests that gangs would become much less significantas industrial societies consolidated over the twentieth century and became more andmore shaped by class structures and relationships.And this pattern is widely evident,with industrialization in many countries seeing gangs give way to working-classyouth cultures.These were explored in particular in the United Kingdom in studies of teddy boys,  mods, and  rockers, all understood in terms of the impact of socialclass structures that were experienced generationally.The United States remainedan exception: immigration, race, and urban segregation combined to make gangs anongoing feature of American social life throughout the industrial period, a realitycaptured in Whyte s Street Corner Society.The key to understanding gangs has been the insight that gangs emerge as a localactor defending its territory.But with globalization societies are becoming morefragmented and diverse.Global flows of finance, images, and power mean that onceunified societies are becoming increasingly complex and much less integrated, settingin motion new forms of urban segregation and stigmatization.Some parts of citiesare integrated into national economies, while other sections are integrated intoglobal flows of finance, production, and tourism.This is not however generating theclassical ghettos that marked the transition to the industrial city.The development ofthe Internet and mass travel mean that social life less and less corresponds to na-tional borders, so that increasing numbers of people live across borders, pursuinglives in two or more countries at once.Crime is an increasingly important generatorof globalization, from the drug trade to the traffic of sex workers.In the transition period of the early industrial age, gangs were best understood asa spatial response to social exclusion, seeking to produce order in worlds of disorder,often through mobilizing ethnic identities and traditions.In increasingly globalized,postindustrial societies, the shape and experience of gangs is diverging from the tra-ditional model of the defense of a bordered territory.Graffiti writers, for example,experience the city in terms of flow and visibility rather than place, and are involvedin forms of action that aims at visibility and presence in an urban experience livedfundamentally in terms of flow and image, not locality and tradition.Gangs historically have been linked to violence, one of the ways through whichcontrol of territory is imposed and maintained.Here again there are signs of chang-ing patterns.Important forms of contemporary urban violence, such as the burningof cars in French cities in October 2005, alert us to the extent of urban segregationand stigmatization in France and other European cities.The core of this violencetook place in poor neighborhoods where the industrial working class has largelydisappeared, and where informal and temporary employment rivals the illegal econ-omy as the main source of income.In these suburbs while there are patterns of con-frontation between small groups who defend their territory against others, the largestructured groups typical of the gangs of industrial society are absent.Forms of or-ganization are much more fragile, while action takes the form of social explosionrather than the ongoing organization that characterized gangs of industrial society.Similar patterns of segregation are emerging in Britain, most obvious in the north-ern cities of England, where different groups find themselves competing for controlGANGS AND THE MEDIA 85of the same spaces.But in the contemporary context, these young people do not fallback onto defending traditional community cultures, instead they increasingly em-brace dimensions of global culture from hip-hop music to forms of politicized Islam,these constructions involving travel and extensive use of the Internet.In these cases,what is particularly important are personal trajectories, often involving  born againtype experiences [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]