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.Why then, if Livy is writing for the same audience,would he include more details? Livy writes history, Valerius writes exempla.Livyhas more room.78 When and whether grief for dead children would occur, and to what extent, isdisputed.Cf.Golden (1988) and Harris (1994).79 Cf.Levene (1993), 151.Other important variants include Cicero, Dom.139;Seneca Dial.(Cons.Marc.) 6.13.2; Plutarch Publicola 14.6; and Symmachus3.3.6 (on whom, cf.Rike (1987), 114 17).80 See Jaquemin and Freyburger (1998), 169 80, for a comparative look at Greeksin Plutarch and Valerius Maximus.81 Cf.Mueller (1995).82 Compare Weber (1936), 240, on the word  princeps and its most famousexemplar, Augustus (Valerius would have been in sympathy with this presenta-tion):  Universal von der Mitte Rom aus schauend und denkend, fühlend undhandelnd, hat er von Caesar, dem Vater, vom julischen Blut und von Rom diestatische Weltanschauung ererbt und erhalten.Er ist ihre Mitte und Achse,Träger des Göttlichen selbst.Und alles, was er als Aufruf der Massen, alsEhrung durch den Senat, als Selbstbescheidung vor den souveränen Gewalten,als Verhüllung liebt und zur Schau trägt, ist wie der Wille zur klassischen Formnur eine schöne Maske, hinter der die heilige Wut, der Wille zur Macht, derGlaube an das beste Blut, die Sicherheit gegenüber den irrationalen Mächten,die Heiterkeit, die Hoffnung auf Verewigung seines Werks und seines Namenswild wogen und wirken, wie sein frommes, gerechtes, mildes und männlichesRom Recht und Frieden und Sicherheit und Wohlfahrt verkündet und zugleichdie Freiheit der Völker zerbricht.83 Translation by John W.Basore in LCL.84 Valerius himself explains why he does not include members of the imperialfamily in his exempla.He modestly refrains from loading heavenly spirits withearthly dross (8.5.init.).Sometimes, though, he breaks his own rules, e.g.in5.5.3 (Tiberius rushes to his dying brother Drusus).85 Marsh (1931), 98.86 Marsh (1931), 165.Cf.Tacitus Ann.4.8.87 The text is taken from Eck, Caballos, and Fernández (1996).216NOTES88 Schoonhoven (1992), 17.Cf.Cassius Dio 55.27.4; Suetonius Tib.20.3.TheDioscuri had also already been employed by Augustus in service of his grand-sons.Cf.also Schrömbges (1986), 44 50, on the aedes Castoris, and Tiberiusrelations with it; and Poulsen (1991) for a discussion of the role of the Dioscuriin imperial ideology.On the earlier tradition, compare Wiseman (1995), espe-cially 25 30.89 Woodman (1977), 276.90 Fears (1981a), 63.91 Cf.Hellegouarc h (1963), 276 9; Liegle (1967 [1932]); Moore (1989), 56 61.92 See Weinstock (1970), 248 59, on the development of pietas from Caesar toTiberius.93 Cf.Cicero Verr.2.5.118 (mothers and fathers waited in vain to catch the lastbreaths of condemned sons) and Vergil Aen.4.681 5 (Anna complains of beingrobbed of Dido s last breath).94 Of all the information Valerius provides in this anecdote, Stahr (1885 [1873]),13 n.14, uses only the information provided by this particular phrase in hisreconstruction of Drusus death and Tiberius ministrations.Such treatmenthas generally been standard procedure when it comes to Valerius evidence.Alföldi (1970 [1934 5]), 222, by way of contrast, uses Valerius evidence todemonstrate the close association of Jupiter and Tiberius.95 Cf.Hellegouarc h (1963), 149, on political aspects of beneuolentia.96 Compare Cassius Dio 55.2.2 (Augustus sends Tiberius to Drusus becauseDrusus is not that far away (oÙ g¦r Ãn pÒrrw)!).Cassius goes on to relatebriefly that Tiberius accompanied the dead Drusus back to Rome, and deliv-ered one of the two funeral orations (the other was delivered by Augustus).97 Cf.Wardle (2000), 490.98 Ovid Fasti 6.375 95 has Jupiter provide exact instructions, but, as a poet,Ovid makes Roman gods speak like Greeks.Livy 5.48.1 9, on the other hand,makes no mention of Jupiter.Livy s religiosity may be found instead in thethanks offered in Jupiter s temple during the subsequent ludi Capitolini(5.50.1 4).Like Livy, the military writer Frontinus makes no mention ofJupiter (Str.3.15.1).He is concerned only with the idea and its effectiveness.The Christian apologist Lactantius concedes that the idea was admirable, butdiscounts it because the alleged god, Jupiter, allowed lesser, more ridiculousgods to exist (Div.Inst.1.20.33).This deconstruction attests to the anecdote scontinued rhetorical potency.Similar tricks constituted a commonplace inGreek literature as well (cf.e.g.Herodotus 1.22 and Thucydides 6.46.1 4).Overturning tradition was no easy task.99 Fears (1981c), 837, points out that virtues are useful, utilitates (according toCicero), as well as divine in origin.Cf.Latte (1965 [1948]), 58, on the essence of Roman religion:  In Rom bleibt die Göttervorstellung durchausunplastisch &.Nicht die Gestalt, sondern die Funktion ist das Wesentliche.Die Vorstellung der von dem Gotte ausgehenden Macht drängt sich in denVordergurnd; der Gott selbst bleibt hinter seinem Wirken verborgen. (On theother hand, for an analysis of uirtus that sees only a rationalistic abstractionwith no connection to divinity, see Sarsila (1982) [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]